Demonstrators carried Palestinian flags and placards condemning Israeli police racism and complicity with criminal gangs. They accuse the police of refusing to crack down on the powerful organisations.
A senior Revolutionary Guard commander Saturday told Iran International that the IRGC's chief commanders have called up 1,000 retired members to help quell the popular uprising as they don't have enough forces, but only 300 accepted to return to service and crack down on protests.
Police Crack Down On Protestors At Um
The late 1960s ushered in a sustained period of intense racial conflict in Detroit, a struggle for control that turned much of the city into what the historian Heather Ann Thompson labeled "virtual war zones," as white conservatives and right wing-organizations, led by the Detroit Police Department and the Detroit Police Officers Association union, squared off against civil rights and black power groups and their leftist white allies. The liberal Cavanagh administration was not just caught in the middle but increasingly on the side of active anti-black repression, escalating the campaign to militarize policing in poor black neighborhoods, defending the DPD against almost every complaint of brutality and misconduct, and endorsing the stop-and-frisk law enacted in 1968 to formalize the discretionary authority of individual police officers in the crackdown on black communities. The Tactical Mobile Unit frequently conducted mass street sweeps in African American neighborhoods, as in the photograph at right, for the stated purpose of "riot prevention" but also as a political demonstration of police power and racial control. The racial violence of the overwhelmingly white DPD accelerated in the late 1960s as white flight and demographic transition brought the city to the brink of a black majority, and police officers persistently harassed and often violently attacked black youth in racially transitional neighborhoods and in newly integrated public schools.
This section covers the period from 1968-1970, starting with the enhanced militarization of the police department after the 1967 Uprising and the intensification of its polices of racial profiling and indiscriminate stopping and frisking of black civilians on the streets and in their cars. The DPD, and the increasingly powerful Detroit Police Officers Association union, dismissed and stonewalled almost all allegations of police brutality and miscoduct during this era. The number of civilians killed by the police doubled, the percentage of young unarmed black teenagers killed in police shootings skyrocketed, and the Wayne County prosecutor continued to rule all police homicides as justified no matter what actually happened. The Detroit Police Department also engaged in extraordinary violence against teenagers in a number of high-profile incidents featured in depth, including beatings of civil rights protesters in public schools, a drunken off-duty attack on black youth during a downtown social event, and a militarized assault on countercultural white youth in a public park. Contingents of DPD officers further committed deliberate, politically motivated violence against nonviolent activists, black and white, in two highly publicized 1968 incidents at Cobo Hall as well as conducting harassment campaigns and armed assaults against black radicals in the New Bethel Incident and during a yearlong police-provoked confrontation with the Black Panther Party. In almost all of these incidents and campaigns of brutality and violence, police officers were implementing DPD order-maintenance policy, not operating outside of its boundaries, as they violated the constitutional rights and civil liberties of African American residents and black and white political activists in the city of Detroit.
The Rumor Control Center received more than 10,000 calls in the first two months of operation in the spring of 1968, and the volume skyrocketed after fears of another riot/uprising intensified following the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. In a typical pattern, civil rights protests such as black student school walkouts would prompt a flood of calls from fearful white residents, and then the ensuing police crackdowns (which generally included serious brutality) would elicit alarmed calls from black residents who heard rumors that the police were shooting African American youth.
Besides demanding action to enroll more students from Detroit and minority groups, the demonstrators chanted for a crackdown on campus sexual assault: "Sexual assault must be stopped! Expel the rapists, don't cover it up!"
Meanwhile, thousands of Afghan people have rushed to flee the country since the Taliban eliminated representative rule and nullified the constitutional rights of women and ethnic and religious minority groups. Many ethnic Hazara communities have been evicted from their land, and Taliban forces have hunted down, abducted, or executed scores of police and intelligence officers from the former government. Human rights defenders and independent journalists have faced persecution as their hard-won achievements are rapidly reversed. The United States and most other established democracies have compounded their earlier failures by being slow or reluctant to assist those seeking refuge, many of whom remain stuck in Afghanistan or in nearby countries where they lack basic rights protections.
It began on May 28, when primarily young Turks demonstrated against a development plan in the heart of Istanbul, and their protests were brutally struck down by police with tear gas and water cannons . This police violence brought first hundreds, then thousands and finally hundreds of thousands of anti-government protesters into the streets. At least five people were killed and more than 5,000 injured in the nationwide unrest. Erdogan finally seemed to back down last Thursday and met with representatives of the protest movement.
Taksim Square has been the center of the protests. Riot police used teargas and water cannons against the protesters. Four people have died in violence linked to the crackdown and more than 7,800 have been injured.
Rigged elections and a ruthless crackdown on subsequent protests convinced Iranians that dialogue with the regime was futile. This led to profound cultural transformations and mounting discontent, day after day, month after month and year after year. In that respect, 2017 and 2019 saw new significant breaks with the regime. In 2017, the high cost of living sparked popular protests across more than 100 Iranian cities. Outside of Iran (where the Islamist Republic narrative was prevailing) demonstrations were reported as strictly motivated by economic demands and having no political significance.
Britain said on February 9 that it has sanctioned seven Russians over cybercrime in a coordinated action with the United States, as the pair seek to crack down on those they blame for ransomware attacks which have paralyzed businesses, schools and hospitals. Britain's Foreign Office said there had been 149 victims of ransomware known as Conti and Ryuk in Britain and that the cybercriminals had used the attacks to obtain an estimated 27 million pounds ($32.85 million) from those they targeted. Foreign Secretary James Cleverly said the sanctions put Britain's national security first and protect people from serious organized crime. To read the original story by Reuters, click here.
Authorities have responded to the unrest with a harsh crackdown that rights groups say has killed more than 500 people, including 71 children.Human rights groups say that around 20,000 people have been arrested in connection with the protests so far.The Norway-based Iran Human Rights Group estimates that around 100 prisoners may face the death penalty.
The Hrodna regional court in the country's west sentenced the 49-year-old activist and journalist on February 8 on charges of public calls for actions directed at harming the country's national security, distributing materials containing such calls, and inciting hatred.The trial was held behind closed doors.Poczobut, who is a correspondent for the respected Polish daily Gazeta Wyborcza, was arrested in March 2021 amid rising tensions between Minsk and Warsaw following the brutal suppression of mass protests against Lukashenka after he claimed a landslide victory in a 2020 presidential election.The Belarusian opposition claimed the election was rigged in favor of Lukashenka, who has been in power since 1994.Relations between Poland and Belarus worsened further after a migrant crisis on their shared border at the end of 2021, which Warsaw blamed on Minsk, and after Lukashenka allowed Moscow to use its territory as a launching pad for its unprovoked invasion of Ukraine.The European Union, the United States, and other countries have imposed sanctions against Lukashenka's regime following the crackdown on protesters.The Minsk-based Vyasna (Spring) rights group has included Poczobut on its list of 1,440 political prisoners in Belarus, and Poland has demanded his release.Poland, along with most of Europe and many other countries around the world, has criticized Lukashenka, and has provided sanctuary for Belarusian opposition leaders and activists.
April 2002Corrections, Incby John BiewenOn the Internet at: PART I Corporate Sponsored Crime LawsOver the past two decades, America's prison population doubled, then doubled again, before finally leveling off at about two million inmates. One result: a $50-billion corrections industry. That's bigger than tobacco. The crackdown on crime has enriched corporations that build prisons or sell products to them, prison guard unions, and police departments that use budget-fattening incentives to pursue drug criminals. In this special report, American RadioWorks correspondent John Biewen explores how some groups with vested interests work to influence public policy— helping to keep more people locked up longer. 2ff7e9595c
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